TEMPO.CO, Jakarta - Prabowo Subianto has nothing to gain by supporting Jokowi’s reckless destruction of democracy. It will be a burden for his administration.
The damage done by President Joko Widodo at the end of his presidency will be a burden for the new administration of Prabowo Subianto. Jokowi will not only leave behind a mountain of debt, and lighthouse projects that devour state funds, but also damage to the legal and political system as a result of his reckless takeover of the legal and democratic system. So it would be truly odd if Prabowo supported Jokowi’s strategies which would end up causing problems for him.
The driving force behind the deliberations of the Regional Head Election Law designed to hobble the Constitutional Court’s rulings is a politician from the Gerindra Party, the party led by Prabowo. Gerindra Executive Chair and House of Representatives (DPR) Deputy Speaker Sufmi Dasco Ahmad is working closely with Justice and Human Rights Minister Supratman Andi Atgas to force through the deliberations of the Regional Head Election Law that would annul the Constitutional Court’s rulings.
The Legislation Body at the House of Representatives (DPR) met a day after the Constitutional Court passed ruling No. 60/PUU-XXI/2024 on Wednesday, August 21. This ruling removed the requirement that only parties obtaining 25 percent of valid votes in the general election can nominate candidates for regional elections. Another ruling, No. 70/PUU-XXII/2024 confirmed that the minimum age for candidates for regional heads is 30 years at the time of nomination, not as of their inauguration, as had been ruled by the Supreme Court.
These two changes to provisions of the Regional Head Election Law make it possible for the regional elections to be more democratic. Parties will no longer be able to build grand coalitions to nominate candidates, making it possible for voters to have many options. This means that this progressive ruling from the Court will stymie the strategy of the Indonesia Onward Coalition—a grouping of parties forced to serve Jokowi—for easy victories in the simultaneous regional head elections in 37 provinces, 415 regencies, and 93 municipalities.
The ruling regarding the minimum age when candidates are officially inaugurated will also thwart Jokowi’s desire to put forward his son, Kaesang Pangarep, as a regional head candidate. Kaesang will be 30 on December 25, while the simultaneous elections will be held on November 27. The Constitutional Court’s ruling could stop Jokowi from expanding his political dynasty to the regions, following his success in seeing another son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, elected vice president.
But instead of supporting the Constitutional Court’s rulings, Prabowo Subianto is allowing one of his men in Gerindra to help Jokowi damage democracy. Huge demonstrations in a number of places on August 22 stopped the Regional Head Election Law from being passed, although politicians are still trying. The General Election Commission could deliberately not produce a regulation in line with the Court’s ruling, so the old provisions are still in force when the elections are held.
Politically, Prabowo would have nothing to gain by allowing or even supporting Jokowi’s desire to annul the Constitutional Court’s rulings. The only possible minor benefit to Prabowo is that it might cause problems for a popular figure wanting to stand against him in the election for his second term in 2029.
Imagine the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) nominates Anies Baswedan in the Jakarta gubernatorial election. The former Jakarta governor was Prabowo’s strongest opponent in last year’s presidential election. Under the rules before the Constitutional Court’s rulings, the PDI-P would not be able to propose its own candidate. This would mean Anies would fall at the first hurdle. But Ridwan Kamil, who has been nominated for the Jakarta governorship by the Indonesia Onward Coalition, might then run against Prabowo in 2029.
And continually going against the wishes of the people will make the Prabowo administration ineffective. He would have to stifle opposition with an iron fist, which is what led to the 1998 downfall of his former father-in-law, President Suharto. Making Indonesia no longer democratic will also result in the failure of Prabowo’s dream to make Indonesia the ‘tiger of Asia,’ because authoritarianism always hampers development and economic growth.
So Prabowo has no choice but to bring an end to Jokowi’s illusion of extending his power through a dynasty and damage to the law in order to remain relevant in government after he is no longer president. It is time that Prabowo, as head of the third largest party and president-elect, made Jokowi no longer relevant in order to ease the burden on his administration, which will begin on October 20.
