TEMPO.CO, Jakarta - President Joko Widodo must change his leadership data-style. Like a good orchestra conductor, he must not allow the members of his cabinet to play their own tunes. He jokingly described how some of his ministers preferred traditional keroncong music, while others liked rap, heavy metal and pop. But such dissonance has gone on far too long, particularly when they play to the tunes of their respective political parties.

A year ago when this "nobody" emerged from nowhere, he instilled a new optimism and a breath of fresh air, visiting people and places unannounced in an effort to seek the truth. It was a good sign that he was ready to address the problems of ordinary people. There were hopes that his government would reduce the power of corrupt oligarchies and bureaucrats. Voters also hoped that he would be a different type of leader from those who came before him, who were strong on rhetoric but weak in implementation.

These hopes have faded with the passage of time. Public disappointment began during the first week of his administration, when he appointed the 34 members of his so-called Working Cabinet. The composition reflected the politics of accommodation, instead of the technocrats needed to address the country's biggest problems.

The deals that had been reached were there for all to see in the large proportion of party representatives. Many of the ministers were unsuited for their portfolios. In addition to lacking competence, some of them brought dubious reputations and a worrying track record. Evidence of political accommodation was clear, for example, in the appointment of National Democrat Party (Nadem) politician H.M. Prasetyo as attorney general.

On several occasions, Jokowi had to question the loyalty of his ministers, particularly since he is not a member of the elite of the Indonesian Party of Struggle (PDI-P), which nominated him for the presidency. Party leader Megawati Soekarnoputri has dismissively referred to him as a mere "party official." This problem was clearly seen when the attorney general ran into a conflict of interest in dealing with the corruption case in Medan, which involved members of his party.

Indeed, much of the pressure has come from the coalition of political parties that supported him in last year's presidential election. For example, the PDI-P called for the dismissal of several ministers whose policies contradicted party interests. The controversial nomination of Comr-Gen Budi Gunawan as national police chief was another clear attempt at political accommodation, given his close links to the PDI-P leadership.

When the incompetence of several cabinet ministers became evident, public scepticism over Jokowi's cabinet grew. More and more mistakes were made, from the trivial to the fundamental. The invitation to the inauguration of the head of the State Intelligence Agency (BIN) referred to the organization as the National Intelligence Agency. Invalid data was used as the basis for ministerial decisions. Worse, disagreements between ministers and senior officials were given a public airing.

These incidents made life difficult for Jokowi throughout the first year of his administration, which he has described as the "consolidation phase." Unfortunately, instead of using the August cabinet reshuffle to put things right, he brought in outspoken economist Rizal Ramli, who only added to the chaos. Consequently, consolidation seemed more like fragmentation.

Because of such internal upheavals, the government has been slow to introduce measures to protect against global economic uncertainty. Jokowi deserves credit for having the courage to take the unpopular step of reducing fuel subsidies, which provided for more fiscal flexibility. But several other economic policies turned out to be backward steps.

Food policy became more protectionist because of the "sovereignty" and "self-sufficiency" polemic. Imports of rice and other commodities were banned at a time when domestic production failed to reach its targets. The price of basic needs rose. As a result, the number of poor people increased by 860,000 people in March alone, compared with the previous six months. This poor record has been aggravated by the complex process that led to the decision on the Jakarta-Bandung high-speed rail project and by the government's dismal handling of the haze catastrophe.

A year is too long for consolidation. The political price is too high. The president must end the management conflict within the leadership of his administration. He must be resolute, because in a presidential system, the president is the sole power. It has only been a year, so there is still time for Jokowi to make the necessary corrections. (*)

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