TEMPO.CO, Jakarta - Abu Tahay does not spend much of his time in his village of Bhuthidaung, in Rakhine State. This Rohingya community leader and founder of the United National Development Party only goes back to campaign before elections. "And even then I'm tightly guarded by security forces," whose other name is Tha Aye, told Tempo reporter Purwani Diyah Prabandari at his party headquarters, at a shop-house complex in Yangon, Myanmar, last week. He can actually go back anytime to Rakhine, but it's a big hassle. "We must fill out forms," he said, even though he is a resident of Yangon, and not of Rakhine.
Why has there been a mass exodus of Rohingya lately?
They went not for economic reasons, but they are forced to because of limitations applied to them.
Since the 2012 conflict, has there been any effort at reconciliation?
There has been no real reconciliation between Rohingya and Rakhine by the government. An advisor of the president is doing something. He gathered 10 Rohingya and 10 Rakhine to build trust as they live together. But he said nobody can raise publicly the Rohingya issue. Yet there is no way to live together [peacefully] without raising the Rohingya issue.
Do you believe a reconciliation can be achieved?
It depends on the government. The government is the key player. If it imposes restrictions in the name of the Rohingya, there can be no reconciliation. If the government denies full citizenship to the Rohingya there can be no reconciliation.
When did the repression of the ethnic Rohingya begin?
It was imposed in 1995. Before that, it was okay. We were not only citizens but recognized as indigenous of Myanmar, until 1965. Before that, Rohingya language was broadcast on national radio, but it was officially stopped then.
How did the ethnic Rohingya became non-citizens?
During the nationwide census in 1973. The year before that, according to a home ministry listing, Rohingya were downgraded to Chittagongnese (ethnic Bengalis), however we were still regarded as an indigenous race. (There are small numbers of Rohingya in Shan State.) During the census, the Rohingya identified themselves as Rohingya but the government erased it and rewrote it as Bengali. The same thing happened during the 1983 census.
Was there repression already at that time?
Discrimination had already started, but not obviously. We were still allowed to move, no restrictions imposed. We could still go to school. Restrictions were imposed on Rohingya gradually. I was allowed to run as member of parliament representing the Rohingya in the 1990 election. But they never gave power to the winners.
What has been done to fight for the acceptance of the ethnic Rohingya?
We started to raise the issue in 1990. But at that time the word Rohingya was blacklisted. Anyone who spoke it was detained. I was detained for six months in 1989. After that we chose to address the issue in parliament. Then we ran for elections in 1990. But unfortunately, no one got the chance to sit in parliament, even though four seats were won by the Rohingya. In 2010, we ran again and won but it was dismissed by the election commission.
And in 2010, we won election, but were dismissed again by the government because we were not from the ruling party. In 2010, I won election. But I was dismissed by the election commission, because they said I had breached the election law, by condemning the ruling party and the government during the campaign. Actually I never did that, I just pointed out the restrictions imposed on the Rohingya. Now, at the central level there are three representatives and two at the state level. They are from the ruling party replacing the Rohingya who won. They are Rohingya, but not Rohingya representatives.
What about other efforts, like taking legal action against the government?
Not yet. We plan to do that through a dialog. If the dialog fails, then we go to arbitration. I hope the international community will moderate the dialog between the government, the Rohingya and Rakhine. (*)
